Monday, August 24, 2009

A month after arrest, prisoner's location still undisclosed


Two disturbing reports of unnanounced arrests of three Baha'is in the region of Mazandaran.

Worrisome Situation of an Imprisoned Baha'i

Posted: 21 Aug 2009

Qaemshahr The following is a report by Human Rights Activists News Agency which appears below in translation:

Despite being arrested more than a month ago, there is no news about whereabouts of a Baha'i resident of Qa'emshahr.

While at work, Sohrab Laqa'i, a Baha'i resident of Qa'emshahr, in the province of Mazandaran, was arrested in the afternoon of July 8 by agents of the Ministry of Intelligence who produced no warrant for his detention. However, in all these days, Mr. Laqa'i has had only a very short conversation with one of his children, though no mention was made of his whereabouts or conditions under which he remains incarcerated.

In response to many inquiries by his family from the local judiciary or security authorities regarding Mr. Laqa'i's condition, whereabouts or charges against him, no specific or convincing answers have been given. The vary fact that authorities remain evasive about this case has given considerable worries to the family.

It should be mentioned that Mr. Laqa'i's resident was raided and searched more than a month ago by agents of the Ministry of Intelligence, who confiscated his computer, CDs and books.

[Posted on Wednesday, August 19, 2009, at hra-news. Translation by Iran Press Watch.]


Mother and Son Arrested

Posted: 22 Aug 2009

According to Television Washington online site, on Tuesday, August 4, 2009, agents of the Ministry of Intelligence in the town of Sari, in northern Iran, arrested Mrs. Vesal Yusufi, a 38-year old resident of the village of Mahforuzak, in the vicinity of Sari, along with her 18-year old son, Payam Yusufi. Agents produced no court order or warrant for this arrest, and used extremely offensive language and abusive behavior in the course of this conduct.

The two Baha’is were taken to an unknown destination.

Mrs. Yusufi’s sister has stated that the agents searched their home and confiscated religious books and pictures, and also personal items.

According to Television Washington site, there is no news of this mother and son after their arrest and their whereabouts remains unknown.

[Posted on Saturday, August 8, 2009, at Television Washington. Translation by Iran Press Watch.]

From Iran Press Watch

Friday, August 21, 2009

9-volume history of Baha'i Faith published (in Persian)

 

Tarikh Zuhuru'l-Haqq Published Electronically

Posted: 20 Aug 2009

Mazandarani Iran Press Watch is pleased to learn that the first two volumes of Mirza Asadu'llah Fadil Mazandarani's magisterial history, titled Tarikh Zuhuru'l-Haqq, have been typed, edited and annotated by Adel Shafipour and published online.  Mr. Shafipour has given permission to Iran Press Watch to host these two volumes.

Mazandarani was a profoundly learned Baha'i of the time of Abdu'l-Baha and Shoghi Effendi.  He composed and published several dozens of books that are of immense interest to scholars of the Babi and Baha'i movements.  Among his projects was a 9-volume series on the history of these twin movements, which he commenced during Abdu'l-Baha's ministry and completed in the 1950s prior to his passing.  This unique record of the events associated with the rise and establishment of the Babi-Baha'i community was based almost exclusively on primary source documents (i.e. eyewitness accounts) and other solid documentation, and represents the largest single writing project of these two religions. 

Of the 9 volumes, only volume 3 has previously been published in print.  There is an e-version available on H-Bahai, but this version is a scan photocopy and is quite inferior to the completely re-typed and annotated version.  Mr. Shafipour is continuing his work and over time all 9 volumes will be made available online in this form.

Since these volumes represent a peerless documentation of the trials and persecution of the Baha'i community of Iran, they are being posted at this site as a way of fleshing out our academic records.

Mr. Shafipour is warmly thanked for this singular contribution to the field of the Babi-Baha'i scholarship.  His project can be accessed at: http://adelsh09.googlepages.com/home

Tarikh Zuhurul-Haqq, vol. 1

Tarikh Zuhurul-Haqq, vol. 2

 

Aggressive agents search house, abduct Baha'i woman to unknown location

 

A Baha'i Woman Arrested in Sari

Posted: 20 Aug 2009

The following report was posted at the online site of Human Rights Activists News Agency and appears below in translation:

Security forces have raided and searched the home of a Baha'i resident in Sari and subsequently arrested her.

On the morning of August 18, seven (7) security agents stationed in Sari raided the home of Mrs. Didar Hashemi (24 yrs old), while her husband was not home.  They showed her a court order for her arrest dated August 3.  Afterwards, agents forced their way inside the house and while being very disrespectful towards Mrs. Hashemi, begun to search the residence and confiscate various religious books and pictures.  Afterwards, they arrested Mrs. Hashemi.

It should be noted that while the security agents were conducting this raid, one of the non-Baha'i neighbors was observing this entire occurrence.  On noting the illegal nature of search and conduct of the agents, the neighbor entered the house and demanded that the agents leave the building and end their illegal activities.  However, this neighbor was confronted with strong reaction of the agents and in less than an hour, the agents brought a new search warrant to investigate the residence of this neighbor and also produced a new warrant for Mrs. Hashemi's arrest which showed a new date.

After Mrs. Hashemi was arrested she was conveyed to an unknown location.

[Posted on Wednesday, August 19, 2009, at hra-news.  Translation by Iran Press Watch.]

 

House of Justice on background to persecutions of Baha'is of Iran

(Excerpt:)

The primary reason why the divines and rulers have, from the inception of the Revelation of Baha'u'llah, arisen to oppose it is that they saw that Baha'u'llah was the Founder of a new community based on equality and social justice and in that society they saw no role or station or position for themselves.

A Profound Statement
Posted: 21 Aug 2009

map-iran Excerpts from a statement by the Universal House of Justice written on November 26, 2003 which has far-reaching implications, and remains as true today as it did then. The full text is available here.

The Universal House of Justice
Day of the Covenant, 26 November 2003

To the Followers of Bahá’u'lláh in the Cradle of the Faith

...Ruling elites can make no more serious error than to imagine that the power they have managed to arrogate to themselves provides an enduring bulwark against the relentless tides of historical change. Today, in Iran as everywhere throughout the world, these tides roll in with insistent urgency and tumultuous force. They are not merely at the door of the house, but rise up irresistibly through its floors. They cannot be diverted. They will not be denied.

This is the real reason why Bahá’u'lláh was so desperately opposed by clergy and rulers who recognized in Him — correctly if only dimly — the Voice of a coming society of justice and enlightenment, in which they themselves would have no place. Nor should you have any doubt that it is this same fear that animates the successive waves of persecution you have long endured. Those who investigate the Cause of Bahá’u'lláh with sincerity readily appreciate that the Bahá’í community is a creative minority that is the embodiment of its Founder’s vision of the future and of His indomitable Will to achieve it. Through your love, your sacrifices, your services and your very lives, you have proven to be the true promoters of the progress of your dear homeland of which Bahá’u'lláh has written:

The horizon of Persia hath been illumined with the light of the heavenly Orb. Erelong will the Daystar of the supernal realm shine so brightly as to raise that land even unto the ethereal heights and to cause it to shed its radiance over the whole earth. The imperishable glory of bygone generations shall once more be manifest in such wise as to dazzle and bewilder the eyes….

Iran shall become a focal centre of divine splendours. Her darksome soil will become luminous and her land will shine resplendent. Although now wanting in name and fame, she will become renowned throughout the world; although now deprived, she will attain her highest hopes and aspirations; although now destitute and despondent, she will obtain abundant grace, achieve distinction and find abiding
honour.

Each time we visit the Holy Shrines you are in the forefront of our hearts and prayers. Your long night will end, and you will have the joy of witnessing with your own eyes the mighty structure your sacrifices have raised.

The original Persian text can be accessed here: 2003_1126_uhj_dayofCovenant_P

From Iran Press Watch

Monday, August 17, 2009

Director of Iranian Studies at Stanford addresses situation of Baha'is in Iran

A cogent survey of the historical situation of the Baha'is in Iran by a prominent non-Baha'i academic at a leading University in the United States.
(Excerpt:)
But not all is gloom and doom. In spite of the concentrated efforts of the regime to poison the minds of the Iranian people about the Bahai faith, in spite of its monopoly hold on the media, there is a new surging consciousness amongst millions of Iranians, dozens of intellectuals, and even a handful of Shiite clerics that the treatment of Bahais has been a shameful part of our past. More and more people are convinced that Bahais have, like any other Iranian citizen, the inalienable right to practice their faith, and that as citizens of Iran, they should be entitled to all the rights allotted to any other citizen, from any faith. An impressively large number of Iranian writers, poets, scholars, and filmmakers have come to recognize that as a nation, we owe the Bahais a word of apology, and a debt of gratitude. Apology for all they have suffered, and apology for all our silences; and gratitude that in spite of these inequities, they have invariably abided by the civility and peacefulness their faith professes, but they have never wavered in their love of a free, democratic Iran.

In Support of the Baha'is of Iran

Posted: 15 Aug 2009

Abbas Milani Editor's Note: Prof Abbas Milani is Director of Iranian Studies at Stanford, where he is the co-director of the Iran Democracy Project. Following if the text of Dr. Abbas Milani's speech at the Herbst Theater in San Francisco as published in The New Republic, on Saturday, August 15, 2009

Editorial Introduction by The New Republic

This Tuesday, seven leaders of Iran's Bahai movement will go on trial on capital charges of espionage and threatening national security. They have been in prison for more than a year. The group's two lawyers have not only been refused the legally required visits with their clients, but neither will be in court on Tuesday. One Abdulfattah Sultani, is in prison on charges of participating in the "Velvet Revolution," while the other, the Nobel Laureate Shirin Ebadi, stands accused by the regime of participating in the same "conspiracy"–but has been fortunately traveling in the West.

For the last few weeks, all around the world, there have been meetings in support of the Bahai Seven in Iran. And last Wednesday, at the San Fransisco Herbst Theater, where the meeting to draft the declaration of Human Rights was once convened, a delightfully multi-ethnic, multi-faith group came to show their concern for the fate of the Bahai Seven and solidarity with the 300,000 Bahais who still live in Iran. Ross Mirkarimi, an Iranian-American member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, was among the political leaders who spoke at the gathering. The president of the University of San Francisco offered a few words of prayer to begin the meeting. Here is the text of the talk I gave on that night. I am not a member of the Bahai faith, and like many in the hall, I was there in solidarity with a much persecuted religious minority in Iran.

By Prof Abbas Milani

My name is Abbas Milani, and I stand here as an Iranian contrite and resolute–ashamed for what I consider Iran's disgraceful past in our treatment of our Bahai citizens, and resolute in my determination to say, Never Again, And Never More.

Pogroms were a fact of life in 19th century European Anti-Semitism. In the 20th century they begot the Holocaust. In Iran, there have never been more than a handful of murderous pogroms. But by the 19th century, Iranian Anti-Semites had turned a kind of psychological, emotional pogrom into a sinister art, and tragically, all the subtle and crude techniques of this persecution were turned against members of the Bahai faith, the new bane of Shiite zealots.

One can certainly understand why Shiism, and its belief that its prophet ends the prophetic line, and that the Messiah that must come is none other than its twelfth Imam, might have profound theological tensions with the Bahai faith. But it is a singular requirement of civility in our modern world that we no longer try to solve our theological difference at the point of a gun, or the end of a whip.

But there is also another reason for the obsessive zeal of many Shiites in fighting the Bahai faith. The Bahai's message of peace in contrast to the Islamists' increasing use of violence; the Bahai's promise of gender equality in contrast to a faith where misogyny has long been a way of life; and finally the Bahai's almost Jeffersonian devotion to the principle that in matters of faith there must be neither coercion, nor acceptance by happenstance of birth, but that children born to Bahai parents should at the moment of maturity decide for themselves their own faith in contrast to a state religion that mandates conversion a capital crime, punishable by death–all combine to create a glaring set of contrasts that render traditional Shiism sclerotic. In comparison, their nemesis faith is a harbinger of modernity and its incumbent reformation–a reformation wherein faith is a private matter between men and women and their own notions of the sacred.

Cultures and societies, no less than individuals, are differentiated by how they reckon with what is shameful in their past. Some prefer the false comfort of ignorance. Others are stubbornly obdurate about even accepting the fact that there is something shameful, and still a third group continues to practice and pursue, often with renewed vigor, the very practices and policies that necessitated repentance in the first place. Democratic societies, like healthy individuals, perpetually and critically contemplate their past, uncovering dark moments of injustice or inequity, and moving to end or amend them. For Iran, the treatment of the Bahais in the last 150 years, our society's acts of omission and commission, what we said and did or failed to say and do, all create an embarrassing blot of shame on our history. Iran can't become a democracy unless it has had a full reckoning with its Bahai problem. Iran can't be a democracy unless the Bahais are considered full citizens of the society and their faith–like those of Zoroastrians, Jews, Christians, Muslims, or members of any other faith, belief, or even disbelief– is recognized as a private matter where the state, social institutions, or actors have no right of inquiry, interference, or harassment.

Sadly in our society, as has often happened in the past, one step forward is often, even invariably, followed by two steps back. If Qajar kings reveled in torturing the first generation of converts to Bab; if even the great reformist chancellor of the age, Amir Kabir, spoke to the new converts not in the language of the liberal constitution he so coveted but in the brutal manners of the oriental potentates he so despised; if even the early 20th century Iranian advocates of democratic constitutionalism suddenly forfeited their fervor for equality when it came to granting it to the Bahais of Iran–but a change of some significance happened during the Pahlavi era, particularly during the 37 year rule of Mohammad Reza Shah.

In this period, Iran began to accept the rights of citizenship for Bahais of the country. The relative safe harbor provided by the Pahlavi kings unleashed an impressive burst of creative, industrial, commercial, and intellectual energies and innovations by members of the Bahai community. In writing Eminent Persians–two volumes devoted to the lives of 150 of the country's innovators and industrialists–I was pleasantly surprised at how many of them were members of the Bahai faith. Iran's biggest home appliance industry–more specifically the pioneering work of the Arj Group–the introduction of Pepsi Cola and television by Habib Sabaet, the advent of child and family psychology by Dr. Rasekh, who had been a student of no less a giant than Piaget–are all examples of the immense contribution of members of the Bahai community to Iran's modern development. The Shahyad Arch and Square, now renamed incongruously Azadi or Freedom Square, was the work of a Bahai architect–a young man just out of college who surmounted incredible odds and obstacles to win the biggest architectural competition of his generation. Even after 30 years, the Islamic regime has not succeeded in supplanting this majestic structure, imbued with elements of Iran's hybrid and only partially Islamic culture, as the symbol of Tehran.

And the Bahais accomplished all of this, and much more in spite of constant pressure by the clergy, demanding stricter pressures, even punishments, for members of the community. In 1955 Ayatollah Boroujerdi, the highest Shiite Ayatollah at the time, virtually blackmailed the Shah into organizing the shameful attack on Bahai houses of worship.

Around this time, a nefarious group of Shiite zealots was founded by a clergy named Roghani. The group called itself Hojjatiyeh and it was formed for the specific purpose of parlaying their members' pieties, and their fervent devotion to the twelfth Imam, the Mahdi, into a ruthless obsession against the Bahais. The Hojjatiyeh zealots went so far as to infiltrate Bahai circles only to learn the identities of the members. They became a ruthless force of containment and surveillance of the Bahais under the Shah and a merciless arm of enforcement against members of the faith after the 1979 revolution. On the eve of that revolution, the knowledge the Hojjatiyyeh had so meticulously and unscrupulously gathered over the decades was used to put pressure on members of the faith to either renounce their faith–or in the parlance of the clergy, give up their complicity with a force so sinister that must not be named by its own name but only referred to as that "sinister sect" (Fergeyeh Zalle)–or suffer heartbreaking, and sometimes life-ending consequences. Thousands of Bahais at the time lost their lifetime pensions, houses, businesses and did not submit to the regime's bullying tactic. Today, seven of the leaders of this determined community stand to be tried for "Spreading corruption on Earth" and for being "agents of Zionism," nefarious charges that could each carry the death sentence.

Today, 30 years after the relative enlightenment of the Shah's policies on religious freedom for Bahais and for Jews, a man calls himself Iran's president who long ago learnt his anti-Bahai fervor at the foot of one of his spiritual gurus–Mesbah-Yazdi, the de facto current leader of the "Sinister Sect" Hojjatiye. The marked increase in persecution of the Bahais–persecution that in its scope bears some resemblance to the Racial Laws initially passed in Nazi Germany in 1935–is the direct result of this infamous group's ascent.

But not all is gloom and doom. In spite of the concentrated efforts of the regime to poison the minds of the Iranian people about the Bahai faith, in spite of its monopoly hold on the media, there is a new surging consciousness amongst millions of Iranians, dozens of intellectuals, and even a handful of Shiite clerics that the treatment of Bahais has been a shameful part of our past. More and more people are convinced that Bahais have, like any other Iranian citizen, the inalienable right to practice their faith, and that as citizens of Iran, they should be entitled to all the rights allotted to any other citizen, from any faith. An impressively large number of Iranian writers, poets, scholars, and filmmakers have come to recognize that as a nation, we owe the Bahais a word of apology, and a debt of gratitude. Apology for all they have suffered, and apology for all our silences; and gratitude that in spite of these inequities, they have invariably abided by the civility and peacefulness their faith professes, but they have never wavered in their love of a free, democratic Iran. From Encylopedia Iranica and the tireless work of Professor Yarshater to the brilliant scholarship of professors Banani and Moayyed, they have stood in the vanguard of the effort to show the world that there is an Iran different from the zealotry, bigotry, and brutality of its current rulers–an Iran of Neda Agha Sultans and Goratol-Ayns, the 19th century early convert to Bab, a great poet and scholar and the first woman to lift her veil and give a public lecture in Iran. Let this evening then be the beginning of a new national covenant: Never Again, Never More, Never in the Name of Iran.

[Published in The New Republic on August 15, 2009: http://www.tnr.com/politics/story.html?id=6f52df18-cf88-4fd8-8e94-f4e5c4c1e5aa.]

Severe illnesses of imprisoned Yaran neglected by authorities

 

Sunday Editorial on the Upcoming Trial

Posted: 16 Aug 2009

YaranAfter more than a year of incarceration, the situation of the former leaders (Yaran, meaning "friends") of the Baha'i community of Iran appears to be of profound concern.

According to various reports, the seven former leaders of the Baha'i community continue to languish in "temporary" incarceration in a high-security section of the notorious Evin prison, known as section 209.  The seven members are Mahvash Sabet (imprisoned since Mar 2008), and the following who have been imprisoned since May 2008:  Jamaloddin Khanjani, Saeid Rezaie, Fariba Kamalabadi, Vahid Tizfahm, Behrouz Tavakkoli, and Afif Naeimi. 

Pressure on the former Yaran, charged with "espionage on behalf of Israel", "insulting the sacredness of Islam", "propaganda against the regime", and "aiding, teaching and propagating the Baha'i religion in Iran" (tantamount to "mufsed fel-arz" [corrupt on earth] which has historically carried harsh consequences, including the death penalty) includes having had their trial date postponed several times.  The trial is now set for next Tuesday, but could once again be delayed by the authorities.  The imprisoned former leaders have had no access to their attorneys, led by Nobel Peace prize-winner Shirin Ebadi, who is actually out of country.  In fact, their primary lawyer, Mr. Soltani, is himself incarcerated along with many other human rights activists and other civil rights lawyers. 

In addition to psychological pressure, such as routinely renewing the "temporary" imprisonment of the Yaran, or keeping them in a high-security facility which naturally imposes considerable restrictions on the seven individuals, it is reported that their meal portions have now been reduced considerably to the point that their health is at serious risk.  At the same time, prison authorities refuse to permit the families of prisoners to provide the much-needed provisions which would enable them to sustain the brutal conditions of their imprisonment.

Moreover, with the massive arrests of political and civil activists in recent weeks in Iran and curtailment of telephonic contact between prisoners in Evin and the outside world, the families of these prisoners of conscience have become deeply worried about the condition of their loved ones.  The focus on recently imprisoned highly-placed former members of the Iranian regime makes it possible that maltreatment of Baha'i prisoners can take place without incurring significant global outrage.

Based on various reports, Iran Press Watch has been able to prepare the following latest profiles on four of the seven prisoners:

 

fariba-kamalabadiFariba Kamalabadi has lost a lot of weight and is weak.  She is also losing a great deal of hair.  It is said that every time she pulls her fingers through her hair, a lot of hair comes loose in her hands. 

afif-naemiAfif Naeimi suffers from severe backache.  Most of the time, he is lying down, unable to move or sit.  He receives injections of pain killers whenever the pain becomes unbearable.

saeid-rezaieSaeid Rezaie has a hernia and badly needs surgery.  Islamic authorities have not allowed him time off from prison for the operation, but the authorities offered to operate on him in prison.  Considering the lack of necessary equipment and the high fatality record of those who have had surgery at Evin, he and his family refused the offer.  As punishment for not agreeing to be operated on in the deplorable conditions of Evin, he was denied his short weekly visitation with his family for a long time.  He also receives pain killer injections whenever the pain from his hernia becomes unbearable. 

vahid-tizfahmVahid Tizfahm, the youngest of the former Yaran, is losing his eyesight.  The doctor has confirmed that this is due to his severely stressful conditions.  Tizfahm's father and uncle were among the many who were previously executed by the Islamic regime.  His grieving mother has already lost her husband and her brother and now has to suffer the heartache of having her son in prison, uncertain of his fate.  Though she is a very courageous woman, she is understandably saddened by her son's hardships.

Lest we forget, there are many other Baha'is imprisoned in Iran (see IranPressWatch1).  A summation of our reports indicates that in Shiraz, for example:

Haleh-and-her-parentsHaleh Rouhi's mother had to have an operation a few weeks ago.  The family requested a few days of family leave for Haleh to be with her mother, but their request was denied.

Sasan Taqva has been in solitary confinement for over 20 months.  He is suffering from severe pain in his leg.  Sometimes he feels numbness, loses balance and falls.   His family tried hard to convince the authorities to consent to giving him a ten day leave to receive physiotherapy.  During these long months of confinement, the bedding provided by prison officials has consisted of a mere two blankets on the bare concrete floor.  Recently, authorities have agreed to give him a plastic chair, so that he does not have to sit on the concrete floor all the time.

Raha Sabet's hobby is embroidery.  Even her modest request to have her needlecraft supplies was denied. 

One of the parents of the prisoners asked the prosecutor: "Is the ruling against these three detainees a verdict to drive them insane, that you keep them under such inhumane conditions and impose so much pressure on them?"

For further details on the three prisoners in Shiraz, to read the charges against them and their living conditions at the detention centre, plock 100, where they have been held for over 20 months, serving a four year prison term, see:  http://www.iranpresswatch.org/post/3940, and http://www.iranpresswatch.org/post/3887

 

Economic Strangulation of Baha'is

Baha'is are forced into conditions of severe financial hardship.  The financial pressure is becoming impossible to tolerate.  In many instances, work permits for Baha'i shopkeepers are not renewed.  Owners of privately held businesses are asked to fire their Baha'i employees.  Islamic officials have asked many Muslim business partners, mainly in Shiraz, Isfahan, and Tehran, to discontinue business relationships with their Baha'i partners.  If these Muslim partners disobey, the authorities have threatened that they will be charged with association with the wayward Baha'is and their business operations will be shut down.

 

An Upbeat Note

Ending on an upbeat note: the three Baha'i prisoners of Yasuj — Ali-Askar Ravanbakhsh, Zulaykha Musavi, and Ruhiyyih Yazdani — have been given a 5 day family leave from prison starting on August 12.  This is their first leave in the last two months; they have been imprisoned since Oct 28, 2008.

 
 

Profiles of the Yaran

Posted: 16 Aug 2009

yaran_with_spousesIn anticipation of the upcoming trial of the seven former leaders of the Baha'i community of Iran, known as the Yaran, meaning friends, Iran Press Watch is pleased to publish the following short biographical profiles of these brave men and women are provided below.  They are presently held in the most dreadful conditions in the notorious Evin prison in Tehran (see IranPressWatch1).  Six were arrested in their homes in Tehran on May 14, 2008.  A seventh had been arrested earlier, on March 5, 2008, while visiting Mashhad.

All have been held without official charges, although reports through the semi-official ISNA news agency state that the cases would be sent to the revolutionary courts with accusations of "espionage for Israel, insulting religious sanctities, and propaganda against the Islamic republic." A fourth charge of "corruption on earth" has also been mentioned. 

As the profiles will show, all have served Iranian society and also the Baha'i community extensively.  As well, like most Iranian Baha'is, they have all experienced varying degrees of persecution since the Islamic Republic of Iran was established in 1979. 

In these profiles, there are a number of references to the Baha'i Institute for Higher Education (BIHE).  The BIHE was established by Baha'is in the late 1980s as an alternative institution of higher education after Baha'i youth were banned from public and private universities in Iran in the early 1980s.  Accordingly, many of the Friends or their family members received education from the BIHE or its adjunct, the Advanced Baha'i Studies Institute (ABSI), or they have contributed to its work as lecturers or instructors.

In recounting the voluntary service these individuals rendered to the Baha'i community, there are also references to various institutions, such as national or local governing councils, known as Spiritual Assemblies, various committees, or the Auxiliary Board, which comprises a group of individuals appointed to inspire, encourage, and promote learning.  Most of these institutions have since been banned or dissolved in Iran because of government persecution.

The Friends are listed in alphabetical order by their last name.

fariba-kamalabadiMrs. Fariba Kamalabadi – arrested 14 May 2008 at her home in Tehran

Fariba Kamalabadi, 46, a developmental psychologist and mother of three, was denied the chance to study at a public university as a youth because of her Baha'i belief. Because of her volunteer work for the Baha'i community, she was arrested twice in recent years and held for periods of one and two months respectively before her arrest and imprisonment last May.

Mrs. Kamalbadi was born in Tehran on 12 September 1962. An excellent student, she graduated from high school with honors but was nevertheless barred from attending university. Instead, in her mid-30s, she embarked on an eight-year period of informal study and ultimately received an advanced degree in developmental psychology from the Baha'i Institute of Higher Education, an alternative institution established by the Baha'i community of Iran to provide higher education for its young people.

Mrs. Kamalabadi married fellow Baha'i Ruhollah Taefi in 1982. They have three children. Varqa Taefi, about 24, received a doctoral degree in political science and international relations in the United Kingdom and is currently continuing his research in China. Alhan Taefi, 23, has studied psychology at ABSI. Taraneh Taefi, 14, is a junior high school student in Tehran.

Mrs. Kamalabadi's experience with persecution extends beyond her immediate situation. Her father was fired from his job as physician in the government health service in the 1980s because he was a Baha'i, and he was later imprisoned and tortured.

jamaloddin-khanjaniMr. Jamaloddin Khanjani – arrested 14 May 2008 at his home in Tehran.

Jamaloddin Khanjani, 75, is a once-successful factory owner who lost his business after the 1979 Islamic revolution because of his belief in the Baha'i Faith – and who then spent most of the 1980s on the run under the threat of death from Iranian authorities.

Born 27 July 1933 in the city of Sangsar, Mr. Khanjani grew up on a dairy farm in Semnan province and never obtained more than a high school education. Yet his dynamic personality soon led to a successful career in industrial production – and as a Baha'i leader.

In his professional career, he has worked as an employee of the Pepsi Cola Company in Iran, where he was a purchasing supervisor. He later left Pepsi Cola and started a charcoal production business. Later he established a brick-making factory, which was the first automated such factory in Iran, ultimately employing several hundred people.

In the early 1980s, he was forced to shut down that factory and abandon it, putting most of his employees out of work, because of the persecution he faced as a Baha'i. The factory was later confiscated by the government.

In his career of voluntary service to his religious community, Mr. Khanjani was at various points a member of the local spiritual assembly of Isfahan, a regional level Auxiliary Board member, and, in the early 1980s, a member of the so-called "third" National Spiritual Assembly of the Baha'is of Iran – a group that in 1984 saw four of its nine members executed by the government.

After that, Mr. Khanjani was able to establish a mechanized farm on properties owned by his family. Nevertheless, authorities placed many restrictions on him, making it difficult to do business. These restrictions extended to his children and relatives, and included refusing loans, closing their places of business, limiting their business dealings, and banning travel outside the country.

Mr. Khanjani married Ms. Ashraf Sobhani in the mid-1950s. They have four children. Farida Khanjani, 51, is a chiropractor working in China. Maria Khanjani, about 49, an artist who is married with two children and residing in Tehran. Mr. Alaeddin Khanjani, about 48, an optometrist residing in Tehran, who is married with two children. And Mrs. Emilia Khanjani, about 45, who is married with two children and resides in Tehran.

Mr. Khanjani was arrested and imprisoned at least three times before his current incarceration. After years on the run, he was arrested and imprisoned for two months in the late 1980s. During this period of detention, he was intensely questioned. During those interrogations, however, he was able to make considerable headway in convincing authorizes of the non-threatening nature of the Baha'i Faith and he, along with many others, were subsequently released.

afif-naemiMr. Afif Naemi – arrested 14 May 2008 at his home in Tehran

Afif Naemi, 47, is an industrialist who was unable to pursue his dream of becoming a doctor because as a Baha'i he was denied access to a university education. Instead, he diverted his attention to business, one of the few avenues of work open to Baha'is, taking over his father-in-law's blanket and textile factory.

He was born on 6 September 1961 in Yazd. His father died when he was three and he was raised in part by his uncles. While still in elementary school, he was sent to live with relatives in Jordan and, although he started with no knowledge of Arabic, he soon rose to the top of his class.

He has long been active in volunteer Baha'i service. He has taught Baha'i children's classes, conducted classes for adults, taught at the BIHE, and been a member of the Auxiliary Board, an appointed position which serves principally to inspire, encourage, and promote learning among Baha'is.

He married Ms. Shohreh Khallakhi in the early 1980s. They have two sons, Fareed Naimi, 27, who is married and a graduate of the ABSI, and Sina Naimi, 22, who has studied music.

saeid-rezaieMr. Saeid Rezaie – arrested 14 May 2008 at his home in Tehran. 

Saeid Rezaie, 51, is an agricultural engineer who has run a successful farming equipment business in Fars Province for more than 20 years. He is also known for his extensive scholarship on Baha'i topics, and is the author of several books.

Born in Abadan on 27 September 1957, Mr. Rezaie spent his childhood in Shiraz, where he completed high school with distinction. He then obtained a degree in agricultural engineering from Pahlavi University in Shiraz, attending with the help of a scholarship funded from outside the country.

In 1981, he married Ms. Shaheen Rowhanian. They have three children, two daughters and a son. Martha, 24, is studying library science. Ma'man, 21, is studying architecture. Payvand, 12, is in his second year of middle school.

Mr. Rezaie has actively served the Baha'i community since he was a young man. He taught Baha'i children's classes for many years, and served the Baha'i Education and Baha'i Life Institutes. He was also a member of the National Education Institute.

He is a scholar and an author, and he has served as an academic adviser to Baha'i students.

During the early 1980s, when persecution of Baha'is was particularly intense and widespread, Mr. Rezaie moved to northern Iran and worked as a farming manager for a time. Later he moved to Kerman and worked as a carpenter and at other odd jobs in part because of the difficulties Baha'is faced in finding formal employment or operating businesses.

In 1985, he opened an agricultural equipment company with a Baha'i friend in Fars Province. That company prospered and won wide respect among farmers in the region.

He has experienced various forms of persecution for his Baha'i belief, including an arrest and detention in 2006 that led to 40 days in solitary confinement.

His two daughters were among 54 Baha'i youth who were arrested in Shiraz in May 2006 while engaged in a humanitarian project aimed at helping underprivileged young people. They were later released but three of their colleagues were sentenced to four years in prison on false charges and are currently incarcerated in Shiraz.

mahvash-sabetMrs. Mahvash Sabet – arrested in Mashhad on 5 March 2008.

Mahvash Sabet, 55, is a teacher and school principal who was dismissed from public education for being a Baha'i. For the last 15 years, she has been director of the Baha'i Institute for Higher Education, which provides alternative higher education for Baha'i youth. She also served as secretary to the Friends.

Born Mahvash Shahriyari on 4 February 1953 in Ardestan, Mrs. Sabet moved to Tehran when she was in the fifth grade. In university, she studied psychology, obtaining a bachelor's degree.

She began her professional career as a teacher and also worked as a principal at several schools. In her professional role, she also collaborated with the National Literacy Committee of Iran. After the Islamic revolution, however, like thousands of other Iranian Baha'i educators, she was fired from her job and blocked from working in public education.

It was after this that she became director of the BIHE, where she also has taught psychology and management.

She married Siyvash Sabet on 21 May 1973. They have a son, Masrur Sabet, 33, and a daughter, Nega Sabet, 24, both born in Hamadan.

While all of the other Friends were arrested at their homes in Tehran on 14 May 2008, Mrs. Sabet was arrested in Mashhad on 5 March 2008. Although she resides in Tehran, she had been summoned to Mashhad by the Ministry of Intelligence, ostensibly on the grounds that she was required to answer questions related to the burial of an individual in the Baha'i cemetery in that city.

behrouz-tavakkoliMr. Behrouz Tavakkoli – arrested 14 May 2008 at his home in Tehran

Behrouz Tavakkol, 57, is a former social worker who lost his government job in the early 1980s because of his Baha'i belief. Prior to his current imprisonment, he has also experienced intermittent detainment and harassment and, three years ago, he was jailed for four months without charge, spending most of the time in solitary confinement.

Born 1 June 1951 in Mashhad, Mr.Tavakkoli studied psychology in university and then completed two years of service in the army, where he was a lieutenant. He later took additional training and then specialized in the care of the physically and mentally handicapped, working in a government position until his firing in 1981 or 1982.

Mr. Tavakkoli married Ms. Tahereh Fakhri Tuski at the age of 23. They have two sons, Naeim and Nabil. Naeim, 31, currently lives in Canada with his wife where he works as a civil engineer. Nabil, 24, is currently studying architecture at the Baha'i Institute for Higher Education

Mr. Tavakkoli was elected to the local Baha'i governing council in Mashhad in the late 1960s or early 1970s while a student at the university there, and he later served on another local Baha'i council in Sari before such institutions were banned in the early 1980s. He also served on various youth committees, and, later, during the early 1980s he was appointed to the Auxiliary Board. He was appointed to the Friends group in the late 1980s.

To support himself and his family after he was fired from his government position, Mr. Tavakkoli established a small millwork carpentry shop in the city of Gonbad. There he also established a series of classes in Baha'i studies for adults and young people.

He has been periodically detained by the authorities. Among the worst of these incidents was three years ago when he was held incommunicado for 10 days by intelligence agents, along with fellow Friends' member Fariba Kamalabadi. He was then held for four months and during that confinement developed serious kidney and orthotic problems.

vahid-tizfahmMr. Vahid Tizfahm – arrested 14 May 2008 at his home in Tehran

Vahid Tizfahm, 37, is an optometrist and owner of an optical shop in Tabriz, where he lived until early 2008, when he moved to Tehran.

He was born 16 May 1973 in the city of Urumiyyih. He spent his childhood and youth there and, after receiving his high school diploma in mathematics, he went to Tabriz at the age of 18 to study to become an optician. He later also studied sociology at the Advanced Baha'i Studies Institute (ABSI).

At the age of 23, Mr. Tizfahm married Furuzandeh Nikumanesh. They have a son, Samim, who is now nine years old and in the fourth grade.

Since his youth, Mr. Tizfahm has served the Baha'i community in a variety of capacities. At one time he was a member of the Baha'i National Youth Committee. Later, he was appointed to the Auxiliary Board, an advisory group that serves to uplift and inspire Baha'i communities at the regional level. He has also taught local Baha'i children's classes. He was appointed to the Friends in 2006.

 

[Republished based on:  http://www.iranpresswatch.org/post/1116]

 
 

Muslim cleric vindicates rights of Baha'is in Iran


There is a clear, remarkable new trend in that Muslim clerics are speaking out in defense of the rights of the Baha'is in Iran. Following is a further example of such an enlightened view on this issue.
(Excerpt:)

Today we are living in a world whose foundation of social interaction is based upon the equality of human beings. No citizen may be deprived of his civil rights because of his beliefs, convictions, race, religion or any other differentiating factor. At one time Sheikh Fazlollah Noori[1] said, "in Islam the foundation is based on discrimination and not on equality". Are our theologians upholding the same belief after the passage of a century? If that is the case, what is the meaning of the claim "Islam values human beings", and is a "just religion"?

An Iranian Cleric Protests Trial of Yaran (part 1)

Posted: 14 Aug 2009

Eshkevari Editor's Note: Hojjatoleslam Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari (b.1950) is an Iranian cleric, researcher, journalist and reformist. He has been described as "an active supporter of the revolution" who became "an outspoken and influential critic of the current Iranian version of theocracy". He spent seven years in prison after having been convicted in the Special Court for the Clergy for a number of charges including "insulting Islamic sanctities". As a result of his conviction, he was de-frocked. Prior to his arrest, Eshkevari was the Director of the Ali Shariati Research Centre and contributing editor of the newspaper Iran-e Farda, which was banned in April 2000. Mr. Eshkevari has written several articles in support of human and civil rights of the Iranian Baha'i community, which Iran Press Watch will bring to the attention of its readers in translation. The present article (which appears below in translation) had the title, "Hounding the Baha'is and followers of other religious groups from historical religious and Islamic Constitution perspective" in Persian.

by Hojjatoleslam Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari

Recently, a statement titled "We are Ashamed" was published, addressing the Baha'i community of Iran. About 270 writers, researchers, journalists, actors and actresses, and intellectuals residing outside Iran put their signatures on this statement. Anyone, even those least familiar with the contemporary history of Iran (from the time of the Qajar dynasty to present time), knows that this undertaking has immense importance and implications. It is a turning point for numerous reasons, especially with respect to the yearning for freedom, equality, or to sum it up," human rights".

The bitter reality is, from its inception as a religious phenomena, in 19th century Iran, followers of the Babi [forerunner of the Baha'is] and Baha'i religions have been continuously subjected to condemnation and persecution by the Muslim society of Iran. There have been bloody confrontations by Muslims and by governmental authorities in different parts of Iran. This coercion continues in different shapes and forms to date.

Historically speaking, there is not much room for discussion and argument as to why there has been suppression and why Baha'is have been subjected to atrocities. Since the beginning of human history, there have always been confrontations between the followers of new and old religions. It could be said that even now there exist confrontations between new and old religious groups. This trend is only a historical reality, it has nothing to do with which group is right or wrong, whether the truth lies with the followers of the new religion or with the ones attached to old belief systems and rituals. The same differences have existed between the messengers of God and the followers of different religions of their time. Also, in the internal history of all the old religions (Zoroastrians, Judaism, Christianity and Islam), there have been harsh confrontations between sects within the same religion and, to a lesser degree, between devout followers who have different viewpoints. For example, consider the relentless and bloody attacks on Protestants by Catholics, and the cruelties inflicted on Catholics by Protestants from the 16th to the 18th century, and massacres by both sides all over Europe. It is said that in the St. Barthelme Paris battle, about 30,000 Protestants were slaughtered.

The issue is that the followers of the prevailing religion label heterodox thinkers who exit their religion as heretics and apostates and ultimately consider them as enemies of God, enemies of their prophet, and enemies of their legitimate devout governing bodies. They are under the impression that, as a religious obligation and to attain God and His messenger's salvation, it is their responsibility to protect their faith. This is the logic behind the harsh confrontation of religious rulers of different eras with the apostates of their time. It should be noted that at the beginning the issue is only religious, but later on, especially when the dissenting group completely branches out and separates from the existing religion, numerous political, economical and even personal and group egotistic factors play a crucial and decisive role in prolonging the violence.

If we look at the Baha'is of Iran from a historical perspective, their mistreatment is clearly the repetition of what has happened a thousand times throughout the history of Iran, the world, and Islam. Shortly after its growth and expansion, combined with political, social, and cultural factors, the struggles and complexities between the ruling religious groups and the Baha'is increased.

From the start of the Babi movement, over 150 years ago, we have experienced a lot of social, cultural and political changes; moreover we have initiated and put behind us two big social and political revolutions. It is surprising that in this long period, with respect to human rights and civil rights, the "Baha'i issue" has not only remained unresolved, but has become even more complicated and even more grievous in recent years. The important matter is that in the long periods of human and civil rights discussions, the rights of the followers of the Baha'i faith have been completely overlooked. There has been a silence and ambiguity as if a religion by the name of Baha'i faith did not exist in Iran and a considerable number of followers of this religion did not live alongside other citizens in our homeland.

The silence on the part of Muslims is somewhat understandable, but this intentional and unintentional silence is also noticeable among non-religious groups, such as secular humanists, democrats, freedom fighters, and irreligious leftists. In all the talks and writings of the freedom fighters and justice seekers from the pre-constitutional revolution to date, there has been almost no mention of Iranian Baha'is and their civil rights. In the Constitution not only is there no mention of them, but their role in political and social change is undermined. At that time, even being a Babi (forerunners of Baha'is) was equivalent to being guilty of being an "enemy of the people". In the Islamic revolution of 1979, and in the Islamic Constitution, the silence is even heavier.

The main reason, or one of the main reasons for this silence is that the "Baha'i issue" has been taboo; no one has dared to approach the Baha'i faith and openly discuss it. It is surprising that in the Islamic regime, non-religious and anti-religious persons have been victims of the same taboos and oppressive atmosphere.

Because of the ongoing, wide-scale boycott and censorship, few researchers have taken the liberty to study Baha'i ideologies and to familiarize the public with Baha'i beliefs, ideas, spiritual and social laws, an accurate history of their faith and of its followers. Hardly any researchers have been free from religious and political quarrels and pre-judgments, in order that they could mention who the Baha'is are, what they offer and what role they play in shaping the contemporary history of Iran. For this reason, even today, neither the general public nor researchers have accurate information about Baha'is and their convictions. Accurate and trustworthy documentation about the Baha'is is rare or nonexistent in Iran.

On the contrary – the immense volumes of anti-Baha'i writings that are available are often worthless, void of substance, non-scientific and laden with blind religious discrimination and prejudice. The same boycott and censorship imposed upon Baha'i ideas has in general harmed the free flow of information and research findings. In any case, the emergence of the Baha'i faith in Iran at the time of the Qajar Dynasty is a part of our history. Neutral, scientific research and an overall understanding of the Baha'i faith is integral to a thorough understanding of the general, religious, and social history of our land.

Now is the time to forgo this boycott and censorship. It is mainly the responsibility of broadminded people and researchers to investigate Baha'i ideologies and to end this void and poverty of accurate information. It is the ethical and the humanitarian duty of open-minded free thinkers, democrats, freedom fighters and human rights activists, to defend and endeavor to restore the lost rights of the Baha'is. Similarly, it is their responsibility to uphold the rights of all other Iranian residents, irrespective of their religion, convictions, political and social views. The foundation of democracy and liberty is based on the equality of human beings, meaning that the innate and natural human rights of any Iranian living in any geographical part of the country is equal to the right of any other Iranian. Based on this logic no one is considered more Iranian than any other. On the surface, we have accepted this reasoning since the time of the Constitutional Revolution, but in reality, we are living in an era before the Constitutional Revolution.

It seems that in our culture, our main quandary is due to religious beliefs. There is a lot of room for argument and discussion in this area which I can't get into at this time. I only make a suggestion to the theologians and the learned, to ponder and issue laws based on the duty to act rationally and to follow the guidelines within the framework of the general Islamic laws and wholesome religious principals. I request a response to my question: "Assume the first generation of the Baha'is were considered heretics: why, and based on what rationale, should the next generations until the day of resurrection be called heretics?" Is the religious ruling for the Baha'is any different from the ruling for Muslims converting to Christianity or Judaism? I believe it does not make any difference whether one is converting to a religion recognized by Islamic rulers (Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians) or not. When someone strays from Islam, he is exiting Islam, whether the conversion is to any religion or to no religion.

Today we are living in a world whose foundation of social interaction is based upon the equality of human beings. No citizen may be deprived of his civil rights because of his beliefs, convictions, race, religion or any other differentiating factor. At one time Sheikh Fazlollah Noori[1] said, "in Islam the foundation is based on discrimination and not on equality". Are our theologians upholding the same belief after the passage of a century? If that is the case, what is the meaning of the claim "Islam values human beings", and is a "just religion"?

[1] Sheikh Fazlollah Noori was a prominent Shiite Muslim cleric in Iran during the late 19th and early 20th century who fought against the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and was executed for treason as a result. Today he is considered a martyr in the fight against democracy by Islamic conservatives in Iran.

[Posted on July 9, 2009, at Roozonline. Translation by Iran Press Watch.]

An Iranian Cleric Protests Trial of Yaran (part 2)

From Iran Press Watch

Friday, August 14, 2009

Further arrests in Mazandaran, systematic harrassment in Vilashahr

 
Three recent stories documenting the government's untiring persecution of the Baha'is of Iran in different parts of the country.

Baha'i Arrested in Sari

Posted: 13 Aug 2009

anvarAccording to Human Rights Activists News Agency, on Tuesday, August 4, Anvar Moslemi (http://www.iranpresswatch.org/post/3934), one of the Baha'is of Sari, was arrested at his house and taken to an unknown location.  On that day, a number of governmental agents forced their way into his house at 12:30 pm and after a thorough search of the residence, compelled Mr. Moslemi to get in their car and to go with them.  The automobile then left the area in haste.

Last year, Anvar Moslemi was arrested by the government agents and spent some time incarcerated.  There is no further information about him at this time.

[Posted on hra-news. Translation by Iran Press Watch.]

 

A Baha'i Woman and her Son Arrested in Mazandran

Posted: 11 Aug 2009

Security forces in the city of Sari detained a mother and her son from one of the villages surrounding this city.
 
In the afternoon of July 28, nine Intelligence agents raided the residence of Mrs. Vesal Yousefi, a 38-year old Baha'i faithful and resident of Mahforozak village in the vicinity of Sari, without presenting a warrant.  The agents began searching the residence in a rude manner.  After a few hours of searching and confiscating books and religious portraits, agents detained Mrs. Yousefi.  Even though Mrs. Yousefi's brother demanded to see the warrant for her arrest, the agents in charge refused to present any warrant and they took her to an undisclosed location.
 
On Tuesday, August 4, the agents returned to Mrs. Yousefi's residence and, by presenting a warrant, they attempted to detain Mrs. Yousefi's 18-year old son, Payam, and since he was not present in the residence, her aunt promised that he would appear in Sari's Intelligence Ministry on Wednesday. 

Source: http://www.ihrv.org/inf/?p=2502

 

Harassment of Baha'is in Vilashahr

Posted: 30 Jul 2009

Editor's NoteCommittee of Human Rights Reporters has published a story based on undisclosed sources about the situation of a Baha'i family in Valishahr, near Isfahan.  A translation of this report is provided below.

By Committee of Human Rights Reporters

The situation of minorities in small towns is critical due to the absence of a free press and the lack of reporting on the confinement of individuals.  The following report is a description of severe threats and harassment against Baha'i citizens who has long been oppressed by groups that introduce themselves as members of the Basij militia [vigilante groups under the Revolutionary Guard] or as Ministry of Intelligence inspectors, though no formal authorities have taken responsibility for them.

Mr. Arya Ferdowsian and his family live in a small town called Vilashahr, 3 miles from Najafabad in Isfahan providence.  Harassment and threats against them by phone began in winter of 2006.  In one of these phone calls the intruder mentioned that he knew the address of Mr. Ferdowsian's children's schools and that he would kill them.  Interestingly, that caller mentioned "We will meet you in the near future at the office of the Ministry of Intelligence!"  

In these phone calls, Mr. Ferdowsian was threatened that if he would not close his shop, his car would be set on fire!  After one and half a months passed, when the family was returning home late at night, they became aware that some burglars had entered their home without breaking any locks and had stolen some jewelry.  Also, the manager of the company where Mrs. Ferdowsian had been working threatened to keep his distance from "corrupt" Baha'is!

Due to this harassment, the Ferdowsian family moved to another residence.  Ten days before the destruction of the Baha'i cemetery of Vilashahr [Vilashahr has been the scene of a number of incidents over the years - translator], harassment began for the second time.  After the windshield of their car was broken, they were again threatened that their car would be set on fire.

In response to these threats, the Ferdowsian family again moved to another place; however the threats continued.  This time Mr. Ferdowsian was being harassed as well.  Their phone calls were interrupted by anonymous persons, and their window-glass was broken.  In one phone call the caller warned them: "Behold the destruction of your cemetery – one day it will be your turn!"

Mr. Ferdowsian's daughter was chased by a Peugeot RD [a small car made in Iran].  All their relatives, friends and acquaintances were threatened by phone calls from an unknown source many times.

Ultimately, on Nov 10, 2007, Mr. Ferdowsian went to court to file a complaint (1st attachment).  After some time a warrant to search their home was issued without a date or signature (2nd attachment).

Every time Mr. Ferdowsian took legal steps to identify the intruder's telephone number, no action was taken by the court or the sheriff office (3rd attachment).

In the meanwhile, phone calls and harassment continued.

In July 2008, burglars broke into their house for the second time without harming the locks, and stole jewelry – necklaces and gold chains.  Phone calls and harassment continued through the next month as well, by people who introduced themselves as intelligence inspectors.  Similar harassments were perpetrated against Mr. Ferdowsian's daughter at the same time.

The above account describes only a small portion of the problems that have been brought upon the Iranian Bahai community.  What is noteworthy is the reaction of the judiciary and police authorities.  A 911 call about an ordinary car, a missing police report, a warrant to search a home without date or signature, a case file which lasts only 20 days from being opened to being closed are some questionable aspects of this case!  If a family which has been deprived of its legal rights cannot file a police report, what should they do?!

According to Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 3, "Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person." According to Article 7 of the same Declaration, "All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law." The above-mentioned citations are only two of many Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights which have not been respected, but which have been violated with respect to Baha'i citizens of Iran.

 

[Original Persian posted on July 26, 2009, http://chrr.us/spip.php?article4706.  Translation by Iran Press Watch.]

 
 

Baha’i properties grossly vandalized, destroyed in Semnan

 

Widespread Destruction of Baha'i Properties in Semnan

Posted: 13 Aug 2009

atash-zadan Editor's Note:  Semnan continues to be among the foremost anti-Baha'i hotbeds in Iran.  Hardly a day passes that the Baha'is of that region are not subjected to another form of persecution, vandalism, and harm.  This latest episode in these activities is reported by Human Rights Activists News Agency, presumably based on reports by members of the Baha'i community in Iran.

Once again, after many previous instances, the Baha'i cemetery of Semnan and many places of business belonging to Baha'is have been attacked and vandalized by unknown assailants.

Several days ago, unknown individuals used bulldozers to destroy the building used to offer the Prayer for Dead by the Baha'is of Semnan; also they poured a large quantity of soil near the entrance to the same building in the cemetery, thereby blocking access to the burial washing facilities.  In recent months, this is the second attack against the same cemetery.  In previous attacks, assailants destroyed graves and set the washing facility on fire.

Moreover, in continuing attacks on Baha'i residents of this town, at 1:00 AM on the morning of August 8, for the second time motorcycle assailants attacked the shop belonging to Peyman Shadman (see IPW), a Baha'i resident of Semnan.  After their initial efforts, the assailants dispersed due to neighbors' vigilance, while Mr. Shadman was able to extinguish and prevent the spread of the fires with the help of neighbors.  Surprisingly, the assailants returned, but once again due to the presence of people and their attempt to identify the assailants, they quickly dispersed.

It should be noted that several nights earlier, certain elements had tried to invoke fear in Baha'is by hanging a dead cat and smearing blood on the walls of the same shop.

During the same period, the sign on the shop of Sepehr Subhani, which asserted, "Pelasku Roshik", was set on fire.

It is important to bear in mind that in all the above instances, and in every other instance in recent months in which Baha'is have suffered a loss of property, security forces have been informed of details and a report has been filed with them.  However, so far, not the least attention has been paid by any of these agencies to pursuing the offenders.  

[Posted on Tuesday, August 11, 2009, at hra-news and hra-iran.  Translation by Iran Press Watch.]

 
 

Thursday, August 13, 2009

New trial date - 18 August - set for 7 imprisoned 'Yaran' - due process neglected


12 August 2009

— In yet another example of the denial to Baha'is in Iran of their rights to justice, including due process, judicial officials have reportedly set next Tuesday as the trial date for seven imprisoned Baha'i leaders – despite the fact that the lead lawyers registered with the court to represent them are either in prison or outside the country.

Further, efforts to have the accused released on bail have not succeeded. The investigation against them was concluded months ago but they remain incarcerated, without access to their legal counsel and with only the barest minimum contact with their families – contact that did not begin until some five months' after their arrest, when they were finally taken out of solitary confinement.

Authorities recently sent to Abdolfattah Soltani, a key member of the legal team representing the seven Baha'is who is himself currently imprisoned in Evin prison, a notice saying that 18 August has been set as the trial date for the seven Baha'is. Dated 15 July, the writ of notification for the seven gives 9 a.m., 18 August, as the date for the trial, in Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court in Tehran. That is the same court that tried Iranian-American journalist Roxana Saberi.

The writ of notification giving 18 August as the trial date was specifically addressed to Mr. Soltani, a well-known human rights lawyer and a principal of the Tehran-based Defenders of Human Rights Center, which was founded by Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi and has since last year undertaken to defend the seven Baha'is.

Meanwhile, Mrs. Ebadi, the senior member of the legal team, remains outside the country.

"The judiciary's decision to schedule the trial under these circumstances is an effrontery and yet another tactic aimed at depriving the seven Baha'i leaders of competent legal counsel," said Diane Ala'i, the Baha'i International Community's representative to the United Nations in Geneva.

"The Iranian authorities know full well who is serving as legal counsel for the Baha'is. Indeed, authorities have several times tried to pressure the seven to change lawyers.

"It is the height of absurdity to issue a trial notice to a lawyer who has himself been unjustly imprisoned," she said.

"The willingness of Iran's judiciary to flout the most fundamental internationally accepted norms of jurisprudence were brought to light in the widespread publicity attending the trial of Roxana Saberi.

"More recently, the attention of the world has been focused on the show trial of scores of individuals arrested in post-election turmoil in Iran, also without due process and which has included 'confessions' that were clearly coerced through torture," said Ms. Ala'i.

The Baha'i International Community has called for the human rights of all the people of Iran to be respected and upheld. "Today, then, we raise the call on behalf of our innocent co-religionists, whose only 'crime' is their religious belief, and who face the most severe punishments if they are found guilty of the trumped-up charges against them.

"Instead of going on trial, they should be immediately released on bail, and, at the very least, be given adequate time for their attorneys to prepare a defense," said Ms. Ala'i.

Ms. Ala'i also said that the 18 August trial date could not be taken as firm, noting that the families of the seven had been told in June they were to be tried on 11 July, only to have that date come and go.

"Given the past history of this case, the utter lack of concern for procedure on the part of authorities, and the current situation in Iran, it is simply not possible to know when the proceedings will actually begin," she said.

The seven Baha'i prisoners are Mrs. Fariba Kamalabadi, Mr. Jamaloddin Khanjani, Mr. Afif Naeimi, Mr. Saeid Rezaie, Mrs. Mahvash Sabet, Mr. Behrouz Tavakkoli, and Mr. Vahid Tizfahm. All but one of the group were arrested on 14 May 2008 at their homes in Tehran. Mrs. Sabet was arrested on 5 March 2008 while in Mashhad. They have since been held without formal charges or access to their lawyers at Evin prison in Tehran.

Official Iranian news accounts have said the seven are to be accused of "espionage for Israel, insulting religious sanctities and propaganda against the Islamic republic," charges that are rejected completely and categorically.

The ongoing imprisonment of the seven and pending trial is particularly alarming because of their leadership position as the former members of a national-level coordinating group known as the "Friends in Iran." Some 25 years ago, other Baha'i leaders were executed after being rounded up in a manner similar to the way in which these seven were arrested last year.

Saturday, August 8, 2009

Overview of regime's stance on minorities in Iran: Sunni Muslims, Baha'is, Christians, Jews


Iran: Religious Minority Groups

Posted: 07 Aug 2009

Approximately 89% of Iranians are Shia Muslims.[13] The rest, including Baha'i, Christian, Zoroastrian, Sunni Muslim, and Jewish communities, constitute around 11%. Despite their popularity in the country, the total membership of Sufi groups in the population is unclear due to a lack of reliable statistics. Reportedly, all religious minorities suffer varying degrees of officially sanctioned discrimination, particularly in the areas of employment, education, and housing.

According to a Human Rights Report 2006, released by the U.S. State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor on March 6, 2007, the Iranian government restricts freedom of religion. There was a further deterioration of the poor status of respect for religious freedom during the reporting period, most notably for Baha'is and Sufi Muslims.[14] There were reports of imprisonment, harassment, intimidation, and discrimination based on religious beliefs. Government actions and rhetoric created a threatening atmosphere for nearly all religious minorities, especially Baha'is and Sufi Muslims. To a lesser extent, Zoroastrians, evangelical Christians, and the small Jewish community were also targets of government harassment.

Government-controlled media, including broadcasting and print, intensified negative campaigns against religious minorities — particularly the Baha'is — following the June 2005 election of President Ahmadinejad. According to a published report, several congressional resolutions have condemned Iran's treatment of the Baha'is, including S.Con.Res. 57 (106th Congress), which passed the Senate on July 19, 2000, and H.Con.Res. 257, which passed the House on September 19, 2000. In the 109th Congress, partly in response to a May 2006 wave of arrests of Baha'is in Shiraz, H.Con.Res. 415, which passed the House on September 19, 2006, requested that the Administration emphasize that it regards Iran's treatment of the Baha'is as a significant factor in U.S. Iran policy.[15]

The Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) closely monitors all religious activities. Individually, disciples of recognized religious minorities are not required to register with the authorities. However, their religious, community, and cultural organizations; schools; and public events are supervised closely.

Some of the major Iranian primary religious minorities include Sunni Muslims, Baha'is, Christians, and Jews.[16]

Sunni Muslims

Iranian Sunni Muslims are the largest religious minority.[17] The majority of Kurds, virtually all Baluchis and Turkomen, and a minority of Arabs are Sunnis, as are small communities of Persians in southern Iran and the region of Khorasan.[18] Generally speaking, Iranian Shias are inclined to recognize Sunnis as fellow Muslims, but as those whose religion is incomplete. Reportedly Iran's Sunni population, which includes Kurds and Baluchis, complain that there is not a single Sunni mosque in the country (the authorities reportedly blocked one from recently being built in Tehran) and that the government has barred public displays of Sunni religion and culture. In towns with mixed populations in West Azarbaijan, the Persian Gulf region, and Baluchestan va Sistan, tensions between Shias and Sunnis existed both before and after the Iranian Revolution. Religious tensions have been highest during major Shia observances, especially Moharram.

Baha'is

There are an estimated 300,000 to 350,000 adherent Baha'is throughout the country. Iranian Baha'is are not allowed to teach or practice their faith or to maintain links with co-religionists abroad. Tehran continues to imprison and detain Baha'is based on their religious beliefs. Authorities in Tehran consider Baha'is as apostates because of their claim to a religious revelation subsequent to that of the Prophet Mohammed. Reportedly, the Baha'i faith is defined by the government as a political "sect" linked to the Pahlavi monarchy and, therefore, as counterrevolutionary. Unlike the recognized religious minorities who are allowed by the government to establish community centers and certain cultural, social, sports, or charitable associations, followers of the Baha'i faith have been denied the right to assemble officially or to maintain administrative institutions since 1983.

The property rights of Baha'is generally are disregarded. Properties belonging to the Baha'i community as a whole, such as places of worship and graveyards, were confiscated by the government in the years after the 1979 revolution and, in some cases, defiled. The government's seizure of Baha'i personal property, as well as its denial of access to education and employment, continue to erode the economic base of the Baha'i community.

Christians

Recently, the authorities have become increasingly assertive in curbing proselytizing activities by evangelical Christians, whose services were conducted in Persian. Government officials closed evangelical churches and arrested converts. Members of evangelical congregations are required to carry membership cards, photocopies of which must be provided to the authorities. Worshipers are subject to identity checks by authorities posted outside congregation centers. Meetings for evangelical services are restricted by the authorities to Sundays, and church officials were ordered to inform the Ministry of Information and Islamic Guidance before admitting new members to their congregations. Mistreatment of evangelical Christians has continued in recent years. Christian groups have reported instances of government harassment of churchgoers in Tehran, in particular of worshipers at the Assembly of God congregation in the capital. Cited instances of harassment included conspicuous monitoring outside Christian premises by Revolutionary Guards to discourage Muslims or converts from entering church premises and demands for presentation of identity papers of worshipers inside.

Jews

Even though Jews are one of the recognized religious minorities, allegations of official discrimination are frequent. The government's anti-Israel stance, and the perception of much of the population that Jewish citizens supported Zionism and the state of Israel, created a threatening atmosphere for the small community. Jews limited their contact with, and did not openly express support for, Israel out of fear of reprisal. Recent anti-American and anti-Israeli demonstrations included the denunciation of Jews, as opposed to the past practice of denouncing only Israel and Zionism, adding to the threatening atmosphere for the community. Jewish leaders were reportedly reluctant to draw attention to official mistreatment of their community due to fear of government reprisal. The 30,000-member Jewish community (the largest in the Middle East outside of Israel) enjoys somewhat more freedoms than Jewish communities in several other Muslim states. The Iranian Jews are allowed to visit Israel. However, the freedom of Iranian Jews to practice their religion is limited, and Iranian Jews remain reluctant to speak out for fear of reprisals. During 1993-1998, Iran executed five Jews who were allegedly spying for Israel.[19] In June 1999, Iran arrested 13 Jews (mostly teachers, shopkeepers, and butchers) from the Shiraz area that it said were part of an "espionage ring" for Israel. After an April-June 2000 trial, 10 of the Jews and 2 Muslims accomplices were convicted on July 1, 2000, receiving sentences ranging from 4 to 13 years. An appeals panel reduced the sentences, and all were released by April 2003.

Endnotes

[13] Military, "Iranian Religious Groups," Global Security.Org, available at http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/iran/religion.htm.

[14] Iran: International Religious Freedom Report 2006, released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, at http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71421.htm.

[15] For further information and analysis on Iran and U.S. options, see CRS Report RL32048, Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses, by Kenneth Katzman.

[16] This section adapted from Military, "Iranian Religious Groups," Global Security.Org, at http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/iran/religion.htm.

[17] U.S. Department of State: Iran: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006, Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, March 6, 2007.

[18] Military, Iranian Religious Groups, Global Security.Org, at http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/iran/religion.htm.

[19] CRS Report RL32048, Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses, by Kenneth Katzman.

Posted on Aug 5, 2009, at: http://ciamemoryhole.blogspot.com/2009/08/iran-religious-minority-groups.html



From Iran Press Watch